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Turkish Occupation Of Northern Kurdistan Essay Research (стр. 1 из 2)

Turkish Occupation Of Northern Kurdistan. Essay, Research Paper

History of Turkish Occupation of Northern Kurdistan.

Eric jensen

Poli. Sci. (Third World Politics)

11/27/96

Since 1984, and especially the last few months, the domestic problems of a

major N.A.T.O, Middle Eastern, and American ally state have come to the

forefront of the international news scene. That state is the Republic of Turkey

and it’s primary troubles stem from the past seven decades of acrimonious

policies directed at the indigenous ethnic Kurds. The main problem, now, is the

Kurdish popular insurgency on it’s hands, in Turkish occupied Northern Kurdistan.

The Kurdish question has long been covered up and denied by the state of Turkey,

but recent events has forced Turkey to concede that it has a serious Kurdish

insurgency on its hands. Turkey’s inability to deal with this situation is the

result of the past seventy years of cultural, political, and human rights

abuses directed against the Kurdish population. In fact, this “separatism” is so

out of hand that the Turkish government has incessantly appealed to it’s allies

and advisories alike to help counter the escalating Kurdish asperation to

succeed from the Turkish republic. Turkey’s sputtering and deteriorating economy

is directly related to the long Kurdish struggle for independence. Turkey has

spent over eight billion dollars or twenty percent of her GDP to combat the ever

deteriorating predicament in northern Kurdistan, and should spend more in the

future(Laber). Because of the violence, the once prosperous tourist business of

Turkey, has now lost about $1.5 billion dollars annually since 1990. Many people

now talk openly of another possible military coup, there were three major

military coups during the last thirty years (Alister) These circumstances in the

state of Turkey have also hurt her chances of ever joining the ever wealthy

European Union and battering its ailing economic situation. The depth of

Turkey’s domestic and ethnic dilemma is one of the many that have arisen after

the end of the cold war, yet the cold war is a simple answer to a much more

complex one. The factors that have arisen to contribute to this civil war were

created far before Capitalism versus Communism, East versus West, or U.S versus

the Soviet Union. In order to really comprehend the holistic situation in

Turkey one must first be familiar with the complete history of the Turks and

Kurds.

The Kurds of Turkey constitutes, by far, the largest ethnic minority group in

Turkey. The estimate of their population, however, are very dubious because of

the past Turkish policy to deny the very existence of any minorities within the

borders of her state. In fact, past Turkish rhetoric has been that there is no

official Kurdish problem in Turkey, because officially no Kurds exist. We can

ascertain that the kurds make up between twenty-five and thirty-three percent

of the Turkey’s population. This would put the Kurdish population about twelve

to twenty million (Morris). Because of past and present forced Turkish

assimilation practices, the Kurds live in all parts of the country, but most of

the Kurdish population is concentrated in the southeastern part of Turkey. They

represent a high percentage of the population in fifteen provinces and take up a

total of thirty percent of all of Turkey (Kendal). Economically, the Kurds are

the poorest inhabitants of the country. The per capita of a Kurd is one-tenth of

a Turk living in Istanbul; well below the poverty line (McDowell). While the

rest of Turkey has modernized and adopted some capitalistic practices, the

Kurdish areas, by contrast, are underdeveloped and exploited by feudal landlords.

The wealth of the area is “drained and channeled to the Turkish metropolis

(Kendal).” Much of the region is relatively unchanged since the last seventy

years of Turkish rule or has suffered even worse economically. The thirty

million Kurds of the Middle East have lived in Kurdistan before record of modern

history was kept. The very first mention of the Kurds in history was about 3,000

BC, under the name Gutium., as they fought the Summerians(Spieser). Later around

800 BC, the Indo-European Median tribes settled in the Zagros mountain region

and coalesced with the Gutiums, and thus the modern Kurds speak from as Aryan

language (Morris). The Kurds are mentioned by Xenaphon, a Greek mercenary, as he

retreated from Persia with ten thousand men in 401 BC, he says of the Kurds,

“These people, lived in the mountains and were very war-like and not subject to

the Persian king. Indeed once a royal army of 120,000 thousand had once invaded

their country, and not a man of them came back..(Morris).” When the Arabs spread

Islam to the Middle East in the seventh century, most of the Kurds gradually

adopted the religion but fiercely resisted Arab rule, much like today in modern

day Iraq and Syria. This is evident in a legend about the prophet Mohammed;

when the prophet called all the princes of the world to embrace the new religion,

they all hurried to submit to the prophet of the new religion. When the Prophet

saw the Kurdish representative, named Zemin, with his giant size and piercing

eyes, the prophet prayed to God that such a terrifying people never unite as a

single nation (Morris). Around the tenth century the Kurds became a military

force to be reckoned with in the Middle East and defended Islam against the

invading Christian crusaders and defeated the Mongolian armies at both Cerq De

Chavalier and the fortress of Irbile. Saladine, and the majority of his troops

were Kurdish (Safrastian). The Kurds established independent principalities,

that never united, but often fought each other for the benefit of foreign powers.

During the harsh reign of Shah Ismail in Persia, most of the Kurds who were

Sunni Muslims, allied themselves with the Ottoman Sultan Selim “the Cruel” and

played the pivotal part in defeating the Persian armies at Chaldiran in 1514,

and thus most of the Kurds in Iran are still Sunni Muslims among a predominately

Shiite majority. The Kurdish principalities, at this time were free from the

central government and struck their own coinage and had Friday prayers in the

name of the local prince (Morris). At that point of Kurdish history Kurdish

culture and literature flourished. This lasted until the nineteenth century

when the Ottoman empire tried to expand its rule into the Kurdish territories.

Using the tool of divide and conquer, the Ottamans use Kurdish tribes to fight

fellow Kurds. Though, the Ottoman government gained nominal control of the

Kurdish areas, they were never able to establish direct rule(McDowell). During

World War One, many Kurds actually remained loyal to the Empire. They fought

bravely in many battles. The Kurds inflicted such heavy damages against the

Tsarist government that they almost conceded to evacuating the entire Caucus

region. Some historians also suggest, they were eighty percent of the Ottoman

casualties at the infamous battle of Galilopi (Gunter). During the war the Young

Turk government, in pursuit of a purely Turkic empire, massacred more then one

million Armenians and seven hundred thousand Kurds. After the Ottoman loss, the

Empire collapsed and was on the verge of fragmentation when a young army officer

by the name of Mustafa Kemal emerged on the scene.

Following the fatal defeat of the Ottoman empire after World War one, the

remnants of the former empire were divided up among the victorious allied powers,

even the Turkish speaking region were to come under the mandate of foreign

administration. In fact, much of Anatolia was already occupied by Greek or

Armenian forces. On August 10, 1920, Turkey and the allied powers signed the

treaty of Sevres. This treaty allowed for the creation of an independent

Kurdish and Armenian state on the remittance of the former Ottoman empire. This

treaty was to become null and void. Around the same time the Serves treaty was

being discussed, Mustafa Kemal gained power of what remained of the military and

political infrastructure in Anatolia. Kemal, starting in the Kurdish region and

proclaiming the unity of Turks and Kurds, organized resistance to the Armenian

and Georgian forces in eastern Anatolia. These forces were defeated by almost

entirely Kurdish armies, who thought they were fighting for a state where,

“Turks and Kurds would live as brothers and as equals (Kendal)” as stated by

Mustafa Kemal. However, after the defeat of the Greek armies in western Turkey,

Kemal declared to an assembly that “The state the we have just created is a

Turkish state (Kendal)” Immediately after, a strengthened Turkey renegotiated

the Treaty of Lausanne with the allies. With much more favorable terms for the

Turks, but no mention of the Kurds in the treaty. Thus the Kurds went from equal

partners to non-existent citizens in the new Turkish state. After the treaty of

Lousanne, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk proceeded to integrate the country and start a

process of Westernize the once orthodox Islamic empire. Kemal abolished the

Caliphate Arabic alphabet, and adopted the western Latin alphabet, thus

implementing some capitalistic measures in the name of a newly established

secular government. Mustafa Kemal enacted harsh laws on Islam in general. Kemal

made the Islamic call for prayer illegal and went as far as banning Islamists.

The most important of these decisions against Islam, was the outlawing all

Islamic holy houses of teaching. This was to have profound impacts on the

spreading of Islamic fundementalists within Turkey. This backfired against

Mustafa, by forcing Islam to go underground, the form of fundamentalism that

manifested in Turkey was much harsher then the ones that existed before being

banned by Kemal. Kemal trying to create a nation state , came upon a problem.

The new state of Turkey was a heterogeneous one, composed of multi-ethnical

groups, not a homogenous one of just pure ethnic Turks, as Mustafa Kemal

proclaimed. The capitalization on a new found Turkish nationalist movement

yielded a well tuned systematic campaign of obliterating the essence of the

Kurdish within the boundaries of newly formed Turkey. Kemal abolished all of the,

” Kurdish schools, associations, publications, religious fraternities, and

medressehs (McDowell).” The Kurdish nation represented such a threat to the

territorial integrity of Turkey that all people and names of places were

forcibly Turkicized by the government. This was to became referred to as ethnic

cleansing or genocide. Old archeological monuments and structure that proved the

ancient history of Kurdish people in Anatolia were systematically destroyed. The

words ‘Kurds’ and ‘Kurdistan’ were eradicated from all books and publications.

Anything that would lead to a separate identity of the Kurdish people were

eliminated in order yield the assimilation of the ethnically different Kurdish

nation. Even the Kurdish language was banned, a fact unparalleled in history! No

one in the state of Turkey was allowed to speak Kurdish, even though it was the

language of thirty percent of the people. All Kurdish students were feed

Turkish propaganda on the ethnic ancestry of the Kurdish people, they were

taught that Kurds, were a pure ‘Turkic race,’ whereas in actuality the Kurds are

ethnically Indo-Aryan, and the Turks are a mixture of Hun-Mongolian people. The

Turkish education minister proclaimed that, the Kurds had forgotten their

“Turkic” language in the fastness of the mountains of southeast Anatolia, thus

referring to them as, “Mountain Turks.(Gunter).” The racist spoon feed

propaganda of the Turkish educational institutions has reached to such a degree

of reducibility, that it is often taught in the schools of Turkey, all the great

Babylonian, Summerian, Egyptian, and Hittite civilizations had been created by

the Turks(Kendal). In order to hide the fact that the Kurds had lived in

Anatolia four thousand years before one Turk stepped in. The Turkish

intelligentsia determined the Kurds came from Central Asia five thousands years

ago. The situation deteriorated to the point where to state ” I am a Kurd ” was

a crime so serious as to warrant the death penalty under Turkey’s anti-terrorist

laws(Kendal). All past measures were not enough in the eyes of the Kemalist

government to destroy the remnants of five thousand years of Kurdish presence in

Anatolia. After these and more repressive measures were taken out, the

substantial Kurdish population began to revolt from the pressures unfairly

exerted on them by the oppressive and violence prone state of Turkey. The early

revolts were unorganized, lacked money, and poorly supplied. They lasted, on and

off, a little over thirteen years. The retribution of the Turkish army was so

extreme, they almost destroyed, looted, and burned the entire eastern portion of

the country. Whole villages were either deported to Western Turkey to be

assimilated or, if the government knew that the particular tribe or village were

not going to be assimilated that easily, they just simply massacred them. much

like the Nazi massacre of Jewish civilians(Morris). Throughout these uncivilized

methods of cruelty instituted by the Turkish governmental establishment, the

savage Turkish government managed to massacre or deport one million, five

hundred thousand Kurdish civilians (Kendal). The repression was so haneous that

the entire Eastern section of the state of Turkey was prohibited to all

foreigners and under martial law for almost thirty years, so as not to disciple

to the west. In contrast to Western Turkey, the whole of Eastern Turkey was made

into a military camp, and it has remained that way until today. The Turkish

minister of justice made the relationship of Turks and Kurds clear:

I believe that the Turk must be the only lord, the only master of this country.

Those who are not of pure Turkish stock (Kurds and Armenians) can have only one

right in this country, the right to be servants and slaves (McDowell).

After Kemal’s death, more successive and liberal minded regimes came to power.

The 1960 coup by the army attempted to Turkicize the whole of the Kurdish region.

Every single street, river, mountain, village, or city was given Turkish name to

the very last detail. What little hope the Kurdish population had in the hope

more or less disappears as the coup never really brought out fundamental change

for the Kurdish people. The rights of the Kurds were still non-existent, the

Kurdish language denied to them, and their culture still prohibited. The

successive coups of 1971 and 1980 always tended to bring Kurdish freedom and

self-expression to a halt. To justify a coup, the army would state that there

was a planned Kurdish uprising. Nevertheless, throughout the 1960s and 1970s,

Kurdish nationalism did emanate in the form of small underground publications

and newspapers, but they were always instantaneously banned and the editors

immediately apprehended and given lengthy jail terms. Throughout all the

repression, the Kurds were able to participate in political life, although under

forced Turkish identities(Gunter). Today the foreign minister of Turkey, Ardal

Inunu, is a Kurd; as well as his father the late president Ismat Inunu, former

presidents Fahrey Koruturk, and Cevdet Sunany, even the late president Turgut

Ozal claimed Kurdish heritage(Gunter). The mother of all ironies, is that two

people who made the bases of Turkish nationalism were Kurds, Ziya Gokalp and

Ismet Inunu, who were born in the Kurdish cities of Diarbekr(Kendal). The amount

of Kurdish people successfully assimilated into main stream Turkish society is

so infinitesimal that over ninety-one percent of the Kurdish population doesn’t

even speak one word of Turkish(Kendal). Reporter, who have only recently been

allowed to enter Eastern Turkey, are amazed at how, in this integral portion of

Turkey no one speaks a word of Turkish.

During the uneasy times of the 1970s many left-wing pro-Kurdish groups

manifested sporadically throughout the Turkish state. The 1980 coup put an end

to many of these organizations and political parties. After the brutal policies

of the military junta that took control of Turkey, may Kurds were put in prison

and executed for “separatism” which would mean anything from guerrilla warfare

to simply speaking Kurdish in public. During those times of extremism, even by

Turkish standards, a group of socialist-Kurdish youth began to organize and