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How Successful Has British Drug S Policy (стр. 2 из 2)

What you have is a group of young people who are much more liberal in their attitudes to a range of things including drugs. Newspapers that are seen to be in touch with that are much more relevant to them.

In Europe, Holland with their more liberal attitudes are having pressure asserted on them from other European countries to tighten up. Along with the Spanish government the Dutch have submitted a report recommending that ecstasy be reclassified to the same class as cannabis, but neither are likely to be implemented. Attitudes in Germany and Switzerland show that a drug such as Ecstasy is seen as glamorous light rather than sleazy, highlighted by Coca Cola and Philip Morris who sponsored a big rave. Though in Britain such established companies have shied away from such associations, advertisers have nonetheless cashed in on the glamorous image of dance drugs by associating their products with it. For example Rave is a competitor brand of youth market fortified wine. By making explicit linkage with the dance drugs scene, the product is attempting to identify with the youth culture market economy (Measham, 1995).

Customs believe that 50 million ecstasy tablets are taken in Britain every year, of that number most users are under 21 (Express, March 10, 1997). The increased availability of drugs has meant that drug subcultures have become assimilated into and now partly define mainstream youth culture . The draconian approach of the British government in winning the war on drugs by creating effective prohibition, is untenable in a democratic market economy type society.

The parallel with the prohibition of alcohol in the US in the twenties and thirties is exact. Slavery apart, no greater mistake was ever made in Americas social history… If cigarettes were declared illegal, the story would be the same: soaring prices, pushers at street corners, addicts stealing to feed their habit and so on.

Commander John Grieve.

Chapter Four

The media : fuel of the drugs culture ?

…The tabloids have for the moment forgotten race wars, dole cheats and football thugs; Ecstasy has given them a perfect pitch for a new crusade against societies ills, and the heart rending tales of teenage tragedy it generates will always boost circulation on a slow news day….

Alex Bellos, The Face, April 1997

It is important to stress the importance of the media in drugs and youth cultures. Discourse is stimulated by the tabloid media and at other times by professional opinion makers. Senior Police officers, supported by the headline writers, for instance, helped create the image of the lager louts in the late 1980 s. In which the public were made aware of the young men who were tearing apart previously tranquil English shire towns ( APCO 1988, Tuck 1989). These towns and their tidy, orderly style have in fact survived.

Since the 1970s and the appointment of Larry Lamb as editor of Rupert Murdoch s then newly acquired Sun newspaper, a new era began in journalism. Lamb realised the age of the newspapers was coming to an end, because people were getting up to the minute news from television, the tabloid thus evolved into a paper that would entertain as much as it would inform. During the eighties competition intensified on Fleet street and tabloids responded by massive efforts to attract a young readership, which inevitably would secure a prosperous future. In this new climate the tabloids began to afford pop culture the same prominence as news and politics.

When in the mid 1980s the first stories concerning ecstasy appeared, tabloid editors were quick to condemn it. However taking into account their shift in emphasis to the young and pop culture an inevitable clash was about to occur. The youth culture which they were promoting openly championed illegal drugs, while senior members of the pop hierarchy, deified because they sold papers were refusing to toe the establishment line.

The media began the 1990s with a heavy emphasis on two types of drugs stories: crack cocaine and ecstasy. Ecstasy was headlined both because of the rave scene and the image of young people high as kites, dancing the night away as well as because of the occasional drug related death. Almost every one of approximately 60 ecstasy related deaths in the UK between 1989-1996 have been reported extensively. During this period and a context analysis of newspaper drug stories would suggest that a matrix is operating linking the young with drugs and danger. The danger can be about death, addiction, mental illness or crime. Indeed it is argued that it is the media itself that is the fuel that carries the drugs phenomenon and some agencies have argued that it has preceded the growing availability .

When analysing the media event surrounding the death of Leah Betts in November 1995, one can unequivocally observe the mechanics of the tabloid machine. She was young (good photo) and the daughter of an ex-policeman (poignant), the story broke on Sunday (the day nothing else happens) and the parents then chose to release a picture of her on a life support machine (even better photo). Whilst in a coma the story gained momentum and grew into a national crisis. With this formula in mind journalists can move freely from one potential drug story to the next checking for these essentials to create headlines such as:

Drug use lays waste a generation (Independent on Sunday, 8 May 1994)

Agony of ecstasy hits Scotland s Raves (Sunday Telegraph, 18 September 1994)

These often innaccurate depiction s of young people as drug takers peddling danger have become almost daily occurrences because they feed on so many angles and newsworthy connections. Headlines can be created by official triggers such as drug seizures, or by the publication of drugs statistics. Similarly, very recently we have seen the media having a field day over the comments offered by Brian Harvey of the band E17 who argued that Ecstasy made us better people and was consequently publicly crucified and dismissed from the group.

Likewise Noel Gallagher of the band Oasis spotting the media opportunity argued that, to the young taking drugs is like having a cup of tea. . The media responded with sensational stories and the Prime minister publicly condemned the comments implying that such behaviour was only entertained by the wayward few, instead of taking these revealing comments concerning youth culture and drug use for what they are, an insight into the modern drug phenomenon.

Shamed Harvey is now one-man banned (Daily Record, 17 January 1997)

E s right out of order (Daily Record, 17 January 1997 )

Chapter Five

Official Government attitutudes towards Drugs misuse

Beyond the physical pain and misery are the social costs – the destruction of a persons ability to cope with ordinary life, the destruction of his or her relationships, the destruction of ordinary decent families who cannot understand what is happening when one of their members become addicted, the destruction of whole communities and neighbourhoods as the drug peddlers spread evil amongst them.

Michael Howard QC MP

The Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, is intended to prevent the non-medical use of certain drugs. For this reason it controls not just medicinal drugs, but also those drugs with no current medicinal uses. Drugs subject to this act are known as cotrolled drugs.

The law defines a series of offences, including unlawful supply, intent to supply import or export (all these are collectively known as trafficking offences), and unlawful production. Moreover the Misuse of Drugs act also prohibits unlawful possession. To enforce this law the police have the special power to stop, detain and search people on resonable suspicion that they are in possession of a controlled drug.

Penalties are applied according to firstly the nature of the offence – less for possession; more for trafficking, production; or for allowing premises to be used for producing or supplying drugs. Secondly, sentences differ according to how harmful the drug is thought to be. Class A has the highest penalties (seven years and/or unlimited fine for possession; life and/or fine for production or trafficking). This class includes, less potent opioids, hallucinogens (such as ecstasy, speed and acid), and cocaine. Class B has lower maximum penalties for possession (five years and/or fine) and includes cannabis, and sedatives. Class C has the lowest penalties (two years and/or fine for possession; five years and/or fine for trafficking) and includes tranquillisers and some less potent stimulants. Any Class B drug prepared for injection counts as Class A.

The white paper, Tackling drugs together, in May 1995, highlighted the government s proposals for a comprehensive anti-drugs strategy to tackle drugs issues until 1998. Their approach is to tackle the drugs problem via a three pronged attack, and involves:

 maintaining a tough approach to the enforcement of drugs law and increasing the safety of communities from drug-related crime;

 campaigning to reduce demand, targetted at young people; and

 reducing the health risks caused by drugs.

The white paper set out to meet it s objectives by,

 targeting drugs-related crime as a major police objective;

 setting drugs strategies devised by enforcement agencies – that is, the police, probation and prison service;

 Drug Action Teams to tackle local drug-related problems;

 expanding the Home office Drugs Prevention Initiative to take community prevention to 16 million people.

I do think the new Government strategy, which all the agencies are involved in, [and] which looked at educating young people, which looked at diverting people getting involved in drugs in the first instance, with a strong enforcement policy is going to have a much better chance.

Keith Hellawell, Chief Constable of West Yorkshire and Chairman of the Association of Chief Police Officers

The UK is a supporter of the United Nations International Drug Control Programme. In 1995, it gave 3.4 million to UN projects in Pakistan to eradicate opium popy cultivation, and 2.2 million to drug-related projects in Bolivia, 33 UK Drugs liason Officers are stationed on major trafficking routes throughout the world, gathering intelligence and assisting police and customs.

This attempt to eradicate opium crops has been in operation since the 1970s. Though it worked with some former suppliers-Yougoslavia and Turkey for example, it has failed in South West and South East Asia. These areas are often beyond the reach of government thus making the policy unfeasible. In the Golden Triangle of Soth East Asia, they are controlled by the tribal warlords or anti government rebels. In the North West Frontier region of Afghanistan and Pakistan – the so-called Golden Crescent – they are controlled by the drug producers themselves. They have private armies that are better equiped than the national armies. In short these areas are poorely policed, inaccessible, and hostile to government officials and to officials from other countries.

Each year more than 36 million passengers arrive from foreign destinations. What are the chances of getting through customs without being searched ? Perhaps only one in a hundred people are searched in customs. Drugs can arrive by brought through customs by a passenger, motor vehicle, ships, aircraft and by private yachts. Customs and Excise are always reluctant to estimate success rates. But no law enforcement agency anywhere in the world credibly claims more than a 10 per cent interception rate.

If one analyses the the drug laws in Britain, even the police would agree that most drug offences are never dsiscovered. But to help enforce drugs laws the police have very wide powers. They can stop or search people in the street on suspicion, search homes on a warrent and remove property, and have used undercover agents.The laws themselves are very wide and thus often inappropriate so if an individual is caught with a drug where the medical dangers seems slight, the legal dangers remain. As drug normalisation continues to occur sensible policing is essential, and though first time possession offences rarely attract a prison sentence, being arrested, prosecuted and convicted can be enough in themselves to effect the offenders education or career

While legal prohibitions may help minimise the number of people who take prohibited drugs, the same laws can increase certain risks for those who do take them. Risks associated with adulteration, uncertain purity, poor hygiene, high costs, inadequate or misleading information, possible added delay in seeking medical or social assistance, all these are closely related to the illegality of certain drug taking behaviours.

Chapter Six

A New Agenda

As previously mentioned the sheer number of young people of both sexes and from all social backgrounds that are likely to be in possession of drugs means the policing of drugs consumption, including low level supplying is clearly in need of a radical rethink. The inconsistancy of low level enforcement strategies as each police force has its own approach, means that the current approach is clearly not in the interest of justice or of justice being seen to be done. While many, if not most police offers would apparently welcome a national diversionary approach for the possession of drugs, government policy is pushing in the opposite direction. The recent one caution only guidance (Circular HOC/18/1994) is an example of a political whim undermining sensible and sensitive local policing.

The increasing availability of Class B drugs alongside the new wave of Class A drugs, notably LSD and ecstasy, on the recreational drug scene will in turn lead to more prosecutions and convictions of otherwise mostly law abiding citizens. This will do little for this generation s respect regarding the authority of the law. It may also trigger major upsets and divisions in families were elders are shocked and outraged that their children or grandchildren have become criminals.

Another policy area that needs attention is the role of schools in both policing and drug education. The exclusion and expulsion of secondary schoolchildren is rising dramatically (Imich, 1995). There are signs that schools have been behaving idiosyncratically in the absence of clear guidance. Official responses to smoking canabis on school premises mirrors the confusion of society as a whole and thus responses range from permanent expulsion plus a police enquiry to, at the other extreme, no more than a letter home and a reprimand. Because of the large numbers of school age drug users, there is little doubt that selling, exchanging, giving and sharing drugs will take place on school premises. The Lifeline agency that provides information and councelling for individuals and families quote in their annual report for1994/1995 that,

During the financial year 1994/5 Lifeline received a total of 1,932 new referrals to its advice and councelling service. This is more than double than the number of recorded referrals for the previous 12 months. 77% of enquiries concerned young people under the age of 26, and 45% concerned young people under 21.

It is clear that the government s message to the young of, Just say no has obviously not succeeded. Young people are aware of drug use and they can also see the vast majority of people who use drugs coming to no harm. Reports of use by hearsay or friends may well report relaxation, diversion or temporarily improved social, intellectual or physical peformances that can be afforded by some drugs.

Therefore drug education to young people needs to be delivered in such a way as to be honest and realistic. Drug users need more information about the law, about the effects of different drugs, about health and safety and about how drug pathways develop. For instance , early heavy drinking and smoking and experimenting with several drugs predict a drug user profile (Plant & Plant 1992). People need to be equipped with a basic understanding of how drug careers develop and how they can assess themselves in the same way smokers and drinkers can gauge their behaviour. If young drug triers and drug users can begin to make self assessments about stigma, risk, health and dependancy projects they can make informed decisions, including to seek impartial, confidential help and advice voluntarily.

It is clear that law enforcement alone is unlikely to be the answer to the drugs phenominon. We need to find the right balance between public expenditure on education, prevention and treatment – not just on enforcement. Though new education initiatives (HMSO 1995) and drugs advice agencies such as Lifeline and Club 2000 are welcome, these measures still look small by comparison with expenditure on enforcement.

Drugs are readily available and will continue to be so, millions of people in Britain have tried Cannabis, and other illicit drugs once with only sub-cultural or minority appeal, are being used by a much higher proportion of the young. Their motives appear to be less concerned with peer group status and more with rational consumption as part of young people s approach to their leisure time. This suggests that the prevelence of drug use will be sustained and normalised towards the year 2000.