Multiculturalism And Canada Essay, Research Paper
Is Multiculturalism Good For Canada Or Does
Create More Cultural Divisions In Our Society
Canada is a country of diversity. In addition to Aboriginal people and the founding British and French groups, there are a wide variety of ethnic groups represented in the Canadian population, including large numbers of German, Italian, Dutch, Ukrainian, Chinese, Black, and Indo-Pakistani people, among others. Close to 10% of the adult population of Canada are visible minorities, with this figure expected to double in the next twenty years. The psychological study of ethnic relations has much to contribute toward understanding and promoting positive relations among the varied ethnic groups now calling themselves Canadian.
Ethnic relations in Canada are particularly important to address at this time for several reasons. First, there is growing concern about strained ethnic relations in Canada, including awareness of the poor treatment of Native people, rising tensions between French and English Canadians, and prejudice toward visible minorities, who are increasingly represented in the Canadian population. In addition, because of the increasing ethnic and cultural diversity in Canada, there are now ethnic groups with very different cultural and religious backgrounds and practices who must try to get along in this country. These diverse ethnic groups are not expected to assimilate to one set of “Canadian” practices but, instead, under a policy of multiculturalism, they are encouraged to maintain their unique cultural backgrounds, while sharing in the Canadian experience. This may be a difficult task, given that cultural and value differences have been cited as a potential source of conflict among groups. Moreover, some ethnic groups bring with them histories of conflict in their countries of origin, and it is imperative that these histories do not become part of the Canadian fabric. Finally, exacerbating this situation is the fact that the current economic situation in Canada is characterized by financial restraint and competition over scarce resources. These conditions may lead individuals to question the benefits of Canada’s policy of multiculturalism and tolerance of ethnic difference. In particular, tolerance of diversity and support for multiculturalism may be seen as luxuries that we cannot afford in these times.
In this context, up-to-date research on ethnic relations in Canada is essential. The psychological perspective makes an especially valuable contribution in this regard because of its ability to generate testable research questions, which are addressed through empirical research. In understanding ethnic relations in Canada, these questions must address issues of ethnic identity as well as intergroup ethnic attitudes. Canadian psychologists recognize the equal importance of these two issues, and have focussed on studying ethnic relations from the vantage of both majority and minority group members. The research described in this issue of the Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science attests to this comprehensive approach.
In the article on “Ethnic Relations in a Multicultural Society” by setting the stage for the empirical articles to follow. First, to highlight the Canadian setting, it is necessary describe the changing ethnographics of Canada and outline Canada’s policy of multiculturalism. Next, it is important to discuss the current state of ethnic identity and ethnic attitudes in Canada. Finally, a brief overview of the articles in this issue is submitted.
The Changing Ethnographics of Canada
The 1991 census of Canada indicated that the founding British and French groups are still the largest single ethnic groups in Canada, representing 28% and 23% of the population, respectively. An additional 18% of the population is made up of individuals of mixed British and French or British/French in combination with other ethnic backgrounds. However, close to a third (31%) of the population claim other ethnic backgrounds only. Increasing ethnic diversity in Canada, as represented in these other ethnic backgrounds, is largely attributable to changing patterns in origins of immigrants to Canada over the last few decades.
Despite relatively frequent changes in Canada’s immigration policy over time, the percentage of the population made up of immigrants has remained relatively stable over the last few decades, with the current level being approximately 16%. What has changed, however, is the proportion of immigrants coming from different source countries. In the early part of this century, most immigrants to Canada came from European and North American source countries. Beginning in the early 1960s and continuing to the present, however, a major shift has occurred such that these source countries have been increasingly replaced by Asian and Middle Eastern, and to a lesser extent Caribbean, Central American, South American, and African countries. Thus, the birthplace of immigrants to Canada has expanded considerably.
According to the 1991 census of Canada, European-born immigrants still make up the largest percentage of immigrants living in Canada (54%), followed by those born in Asia and the Middle East (25%). However, if one looks at immigrants who have arrived since 1961, it is evident that the representation of European-borns has declined considerably. Whereas European-borns made up 90% of immigrants who arrived before 1961, they constituted only 25% of immigrants who arrived between 1981 and 1991. In contrast, the percentage of Asian and Middle Eastern immigrants to Canada has risen markedly. Whereas Asian and Middle Eastern immigrants comprised only 3% of immigrants who came to Canada before 1961, they made up 48% of immigrants who arrived between 1981 and 1991. In fact, in a listing of the top 10 reported countries of birth for immigrants who arrived in Canada between 1981 and 1991, 6 countries fell into the Asian and Middle Eastern category: Hong Kong, People’s Republic of China, India, Viet Nam, Philippines, and Lebanon.
As a result of these changes, the ethnic composition of Canada is becoming increasingly diverse. Of particular importance is the rise in the proportion of visible minorities, who, as it is described shortly, may be especially likely to be the targets of prejudice and discrimination. Visible minorities, as designated in the Employment Equity Act of Canada, are “persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour”. Ten groups are officially designated as visible minorities in Canada – Blacks, Chinese, Filipinos, Japanese, Koreans, Latin Americans, Other Pacific Islanders, Indo-Pakistanis (or South Asians), South East Asians, and West Asians and Arabs. In 1991, these visible minorities represented close to 10% of the adult population of Canada, double the 1981 percentage. The majority of these individuals were immigrants to Canada, with over a third having arrived between 1981-1991.
In the next 20 years, the representation of visible minorities in Canada is expected to continue to rise so that, by the year 2016, it is estimated that visible minorities will likely comprise close to 20% of the adult population and 25% of children (projections based on trends in migration, fertility, and mortality). In addition, within the population of visible minorities, the growth rate of specific groups is expected to differ, leading to increased diversification. In 1991, Chinese, Blacks, and Indo-Pakistanis accounted for the largest percentage of visible minorities in Canada. However, the West Asian and Arab community in Canada is expected to show the fastest future growth rate, whereas Blacks and Indo-Pakistanis are expected to show the slowest growth rates. This is likely to have implications for how Canada’s policy of multiculturalism will be played out in the future.
In addition to visible minorities, many of whom are immigrants to Canada, it is important to consider the population of Aboriginal people in Canada, who have historically been targets of prejudice and discrimination. Aboriginal people are a separate designated group under the Employment Equity Act of Canada, and include North American Indians, Inuit, and M tis. In 1991, 4% of the Canadian population reported Aboriginal ancestry, more than double the 1981 percentage due to higher than average birth rates and reinstatements based on Bill C-31 amendments to the Indian Act. It is estimated that the percentage of the population with reported Aboriginal ancestry will increase by another 1/2% in the next 20 years, so that by the year 2016 it will reach 4.5% (projections based on trends in fertility, mortality, and reinstatements based on Bill C-31 amendments to the Indian Act).
Aboriginal people thus represent a sizable percentage of the population of Canada. In addition, their regional representation is uneven, with the largest proportional representation in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, the Yukon, and the Northwest Territories. In 1991, Aboriginal people represented approximately 10% of the population of Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 23% of the population of the Yukon, and 61% of the population of the Northwest Territories. These are also the regions in which growth rates are expected to be highest, so that by the year 2016, Aboriginal people are expected to represent approximately 16% of the population of Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 24% of the population of the Yukon, and 67% of the population of the Northwest Territories. Thus, the Aboriginal contribution to multiculturalism in Canada should not be underestimated.
History and Current Status of the Multiculturalism Policy of Canada
Canada’s first official policy of multiculturalism, entitled “Multiculturalism within a Bilingual Framework” was announced by then Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau in 1971. This policy was developed in response to several major forces in Canadian society. First, in proximal terms, the policy was established to address the concerns expressed by ethnic minorities in response to the establishment of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. In 1963, the Royal Commission had been appointed to make recommendations on how to develop Canada as a nation on the basis of an equal partnership of the British and French charter groups, while taking into account the role of other ethnic groups. The emphasis on French equality was an indication that the Canadian authorities had begun to respond to French claims for equal status and, in particular, the Qu bec independence movement. The fact that the role of other ethnic groups in Canada was relegated to a secondary issue led members of these groups to be concerned about their relative positions in society. In particular, there was concern among other ethnic groups that their cultures and contributions to Canadian society would be devalued in comparison to those of the French and British. Pressure from these other groups led to a shift from biculturalism to multiculturalism. Thus, while the Official Languages Act of 1969 legally recognized the role of both the British and French groups in Canadian society, the multiculturalism policy of 1971 was put into place to provide recognition of other ethnic groups.
Second, at a more distal level, the liberalization of Canada’s immigration policy in the 1960s opened the door for recognition of multiculturalism in Canada. The 1962 immigration policy, formalized in the Immigration Act of 1967, put into place an immigration system that did not discriminate on the basis of race, national origin, religion, or culture and was thus less discriminatory against non-Europeans than had previously been the case. This meant that immigrants to Canada were no longer restricted primarily to those of European background, but instead began to come from many different cultural backgrounds, leading to an increase in the salience of ethnicity. An official policy of multiculturalism was an obvious next step in acknowledging acceptance of this ethnic diversity.
Third, multiculturalism was set up as a national symbol for Canadians and fulfilled the need for a distinctive Canadian identity. The British cultural presence in Canada had weakened with the decline of the British empire after World War II, and an increasing American presence led to fears of loss of identity. Thus, one goal of a policy of multiculturalism was to establish Canada as a unique nation, unlike any other, and to differentiate Canadians from Americans. In describing one of the purposes of multiculturalism, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau stated in 1972 that “We become less like others; we become less susceptible to cultural, social or political envelopment by others.” By adopting multiculturalism as part of their collective identity, a distinctive Canadian identity, which could serve as a source of pride, was also established.
The stated purpose of the multiculturalism policy of 1971 was to encourage members of all ethnic groups in Canada to maintain and share their language and cultural heritage with other Canadians. This was expected to build personal and collective confidence among members of all ethnic groups, and thus promote tolerance of diversity and positive intergroup attitudes.
The more recent “Act for the Preservation and Enhancement of Multiculturalism in Canada” was passed in 1988, with minor organizational amendments since that time. Its stated objectives are to:
a) recognize and promote the understanding that multiculturalism reflects the cultural and racial diversity of Canadian society and acknowledges the freedom of all members of Canadian society to preserve, enhance and share their cultural heritage;
b) recognize and promote the understanding that multiculturalism is a fundamental characteristic of the Canadian heritage and identity and that it provides an invaluable resource in the shaping of Canada’s future;
c) promote the full and equitable participation of individuals and communities of all origins in the continuing evolution and shaping of all aspects of Canadian society and assist them in the elimination of any barrier to such participation;
d) recognize the existence of communities whose members share a common origin and their historic contribution to Canadian society, and enhance their development;
e) ensure that all individuals receive equal treatment and equal protection under the law, while respecting and valuing their diversity;
f) encourage and assist the social, cultural, economic and political institutions of Canada to be respectful and inclusive of Canada’s multicultural character;
g) promote the understanding and creativity that arise from the interaction between individuals and communities of different origins;
h) foster the recognition and appreciation of the diverse cultures of Canadian society and promote the reflection and the evolving expressions of those cultures;
i) preserve and enhance the use of languages other than English and French, while strengthening the status and use of the official languages of Canada; and
j) advance multiculturalism throughout Canada in harmony with the national commitment to the official languages of Canada.
The Act also describes a set of measures for implementing the policy.
As should be evident from this description, multiculturalism in Canada has evolved considerably since it first became policy in 1971. When the policy of multiculturalism was first introduced, it was developed to meet the needs of mainly European immigrant groups and their descendants in Canada. Thus, it was largely put into practice through support for cultural programs and activities, and language and heritage education. As diverse ethnic and racial minority groups immigrated to Canada, however, new concerns arose and were voiced. As a result, the policy of multiculturalism expanded to include the combatting of prejudice and discrimination, and the promotion of full and equal participation of ethnic minorities in all aspects of society, including mainstream economic, cultural, and political life. Justice and equality in all aspects of life are now emphasized.
The ideal of multiculturalism in Canada poses two desirable outcomes: the survival of ethnic origin groups and their cultures, along with tolerance of this diversity and an absence of prejudice toward ethnic minorities. To determine whether these goals have been met, now to turn the attention to two relevant issues: the current state of ethnic identity in Canada and of ethnic attitudes in Canada.
Ethnic Identity in Canada
Has multiculturalism been successful in encouraging individuals to maintain ancestral ethnic and cultural ties while simultaneously feeling a part of Canada? One way to look at this issue is to examine the self-perceived ethnic identity of Canadians. In contrast to ethnic origin, which refers to the ethnic group(s) to which one’s ancestors belonged, ethnic identity is a less objective, more psychological construct. In particular, ethnic identity refers to identification of oneself as belonging to and feeling a part of an ethnic or cultural community. This may occur on a symbolic level (i.e., symbolic ethnic identity – feeling pride in and attachment to one’s ethnic group) and on a behavioural level (i.e., behavioural ethnic identity – outward expressions of ethnicity and culture). Although the use of the term ethnic identity varies in generality in terms of whether it is used only for ethnic minorities or for all groups in Canada, in the present context it will be used to include identification of oneself as belonging to any ethnic group in Canada.
A national survey conducted in 1991, which included measures of symbolic ethnic identity, found that, in general, Canadians identify most strongly with being Canadian, rather than identifying with their ethnic origins. First, respondents were asked to select, from a list including the descriptors Canadian, Hyphenated-Canadian (i.e., ethnic origin plus Canadian, such as Greek-Canadian), Ethnic Origin only (e.g., Greek), and Provincial, the one identity which best described how they thought of themselves. Overall, 64% of respondents selected Canadian and 19% selected a Provincial identity. Only 13% of respondents selected Hyphenated-Canadian, and 4% selected Ethnic Origin only. It is interesting to note that selection of a provincial identity was especially likely to occur among French respondents in Qu bec where 50% provided a provincial identity (i.e., Qu b cois). This likely reflects the strength of the Qu bec nationalism movement.