set of rules and procedures to suit them all.Judge Neely is surely right that litigants would often be better off if they could mutually “disarm” by jointly slashing expenditures. Unfortunately, given the public courts’ structure and political constraints, this task may be impossible. Yet private arbitration firms could cheaply explore these possibilities; they do so already (for example, by prohibiting the use of lawyers and appeals). One way to cut back on legal costs without massive administration problems would be to open up a wider range of disputes to private resolution and increase the autonomy of private alternatives from public control.This list of inefficiencies in the public courts is hardly exhaustive. We might also note that judges make many economically unwise rulings. Juries in civil cases, guided more by emotion than by consideration of long-run consequences, do the same. In any case, the public courts are sufficiently unattractive that we should seriously consider alternatives. And I think that Landes and Posner point in the right direction: if we can measure the efficiency of public courts by comparing them to arbitration, then private dispute resolution, if possible, is a welcome option. Fortunately, this option is not only possible but real and growing. The next two sections will explore its benefits, its solutions to the problems of the public courts, and the its feasible scope.2.4 Private dispute resolution: an efficient alternativeMany of the faults of the public courts would not exist (or would be less severe) under private arbitration. Private courts could raise fees to efficiently ration judicial services. They could experiment with indemnification rules to reduce their clients’ expected legal costs. Firms might offer various methods to restrain joint legal costs (by, for example, prohibiting or limiting the use of lawyers). They could limit or eliminate appeals. Each of these problems seems difficult for the public courts to manage: partly for political reasons, but also because public monopolies have little ability to recognize entrepreneurial opportunities.Consider some further advantages. One characteristic of private supply is that it recognizes that consumer have different needs; and since many suppliers can survive in an industry simultaneously, it is possible for them to sell a wide variety of services side by side. Some parties prefer swift decisions at the cost of lower accuracy — the member banks of the VISA corporation, for example, realize that errors will even out in the end, but that adjudication costs increase with each dispute. VISA consequently has a system of rough but swift justice. Other conflicts — for example, over isolated contracts between strangers — require a more thorough investigation. Public courts have a systematic bias toward excessively slow resolution; but even if the courts were right on average, they would still ignore the fact that litigants’ preferences vary.The most impressive arguments for privatizing dispute resolution have little to do with the unique attributes of the adjudication industry; rather, they are the standard arguments for the prima facie superiority of private to public supply. Namely: (1) Public bodies have no incentive to be efficient, and private ones do; and (2) Public bodies usually don’t know what is efficient, while private bodies, though not omniscient, know better. Why don’t courts have any incentive to be efficient? First, there is no residual claimant with an interest in cutting costs and increasing consumer satisfaction. In profit-making firms, the owners have an incentive to keep costs low and make them fall over time. And the incentives of the employees are different. Judges are typically either elected, or appointed for life. Elections are a a bad way to monitor work effort — informing oneself about each judge’s attributes is a pure public good: society at large benefits from intelligent selection of judges, but individual diligent voters bear the costs. Life appointments take away even the meager incentive effects of voting. If we want the public courts to work, we must rely on the self-monitoring of the judges themselves. This might work sometimes. But is it a good incentive structure? The incentive structure of private labor markets is more sensible: while they have imperfections, private labor markets leave employment decisions up to a concerned manager or entrepreneur, not the public at large. These managers reward their employees if they work well and fire them if they don’t. Surely this spurs work effort better than voting or life appointments.Second, as Hayek and others suggest, private markets use knowledge more effectively than public monopolies.18 They are more able to calculate costs and benefits. In markets there are explicit prices that measure costs and benefits. But public bodies must estimate social costs and benefits by using (at best) surveys or (at worst) guessing. The judicial industry needs the low-cost experimentation that private firms can provide. It is cheap and safe if one firm decides to restrict the use of lawyers, or get rid of appeals, or change the indemnification rule; even if these experiments flop, the losses to society are small. Often an experiment proves useful, at least for one section of the consuming public. Private adjudication services would be free to experiment and see what their clientele thinks. Public courts, in contrast, rarely try new ideas. But there is perhaps a justification for this — namely, their error costs are terribly high because public experiments involve everyone. Perhaps public courts hold to the status quo because they fear that their experiments will fail miserably. What we need is to permit experimentation, but keep it decentralized so that mistakes can be abandoned before they become disasters. And private firms are the ideal arena for low-cost experimentation. For years, academics in law and economics have speculated about the relative efficiency of different rules and procedures for trials. Rather than have the public courts try each out in succession, we could expand the scope of private courts and see what innovations evolve.2.5 The potential and limits of private dispute resolutionAs Posner and Landes point out, there are two cases where private dispute resolution works best: “(1) those where a preexisting contract between the parties requires submission to arbitration according to specified rules for selecting an arbitrator, and (2) those where the disputants belong to an association which provides both arbitration machinery for its members and a set of effective private sanctions for refusal to submit to arbitration in good faith or to abide by its results.”19 They go on to suggest that (1) works only because the government courts enforce the contract.This seems partly correct. But reflection suggests that preexisting contracts to arbitrate could work if the public courts simply refused to overrule them. Consider video rentals — before we can get a rental card, we must authorize the rentor to use our credit card if we do not return the video or pay our fees. Our credit card company in effect guarantees our trustworthiness; and if we break our agreement, it pays the video rental firm. If we refuse to pay our credit card bill, our company could of course take us to court; but this is usually so ineffective that it simply ruins our credit rating if we renege. If we extend this model further, we can imagine an effective way to enforce all sorts of contracts — including arbitration contracts — non-violently and without the help of the public courts. Put simply, it is not actually necessary that we have repeated interaction with all of our fellow contractors in order to make non-violent enforcement necessary; we must merely repeatedly interact with one firm whose job it is to guarantee our payments.Repeated interaction, game theory teaches us, can substitute for enforceability. So long as parties develop some kind of bonding relationship, they do not need the public courts to enforce their agreements. However, it is necessary that the public courts and legislature refuse to overrule them. Arbitration is a way to escape from the public courts; but if the public courts regulate arbitration, the “escape” is less effective. What I am suggesting is that contra Posner and Landes, arbitration can work even if the public courts don’t enforce it, but that it can’t work if the public courts positively disallow it. Nathan Isaacs, a professor of business law at Harvard during the 1920’s, noticed that when the government began to enforce arbitration (in 1920 in New York) it also began to hamper it: “There is irony in the fate of one who takes precautions to avoid litigation by submitting to arbitration, and who, as a reward for his pains, finds himself eventually in court fighting not on the merits of his case but on the merits of the arbitration.”20What then, should public courts and legislatures do (or rather, not do) to make arbitration work as well as possible? First, courts must refuse to review any arbitration clause in a contract; i.e., make a clear rule about what an arbitration clause must say to be court-proof, and then rigidly stick by that rule. Second, courts must refuse to review the content of arbitration, leaving the efficiency and justice of arbitration to the parties’ judgment. Third, legislatures must refrain from legally hampering the ostracism and boycott efforts of arbitration firms, professional associations, and credit card companies (for example, by banning credit ratings as an invasion of privacy). Private firms do not have violence at their disposal, so they must use subtler methods of enforcing agreements, like credit ratings and reputation. To put restrictions on these comparatively mild enforcement techniques makes it difficult for arbitration to work at all. Fourth (and least importantly), the government should refrain from making any antitrust charges against professional associations that publicize the untrustworthiness of members who refuse to arbitrate or submit to sanctions.How come only preexisting agreements to arbitrate work? First, it is difficult to enforce a claim non-violently unless both parties can credibly pre-commit to comply. Especially if one party is sure to lose in any fair trial, he has no incentive to cooperate unless he previously made himself vulnerable to sanctions (for example, by authorizing his credit card company to pay for any damages). Second, it might be difficult to get a fair trial even if two common law strangers agreed to arbitrate. Each side might try to get arbitrators, rules, procedures, etc., beneficial to its case; and if the other declined, he might be accused of “foot-dragging,” of willfully delaying and stifling the resolution process. These problems might make us skeptical of purely private resolution of quarrels between strangers.Nevertheless, many disputes do not involve strangers; and in principle all of these might be turned over to the private sector. All commercial disputes, employment quarrels, creditor- debtor complaints, landlord-tenant problems, and perhaps divorce and products liability fit the mold well. The parties need merely record their mutual decision to arbitrate future quarrels (including perhaps their preferred arbitrator), plus some sort of assurance or guarantee of compliance. Commercial disputes might rely on reputation effects; employment quarrels on the threat to fire on the one hand (to exact compliance from employees) and the harm to worker morale on the other (to get employers to accept decisions); landlord-tenant relations on a security deposit. In other situations the parties might use credit cards or the like to pre-commit themselves to pay up. (More on this in the section on enforcement.)Consider, for example, sexual harassment. Instead of having court-enforced anti-harassment laws, we might leave firms to develop their own policies, or “law” on the matter. When a male manager and a female employee have such a dispute, either the firm itself or a sub-contractor might conduct an internal investigation with its own procedures, rules of evidence, etc. The firm has the power to enforce the arbitrator’s ruling: it might fire an offending employee, attach his wages in order to compensate the injured party (coupled with a threat to enter the harasser’s name with a sort of “employee rating firm” if he should opt to quit), or any number of other remedies. In order to attract a satisfied workforce, each firm might compete to develop more efficient rules and enforcement techniques. There are at least two important factors that they might weigh: first, the harm done to harassed employees; second, the harm done to those falsely or mistakenly accused. Competing employers would probably better balance these two costs than the courts.If the government were involved at all, it might restrict itself to summarily enforcing the result of outside arbitration. If, for example, a landlord-tenant arbitration case rules that the tenant must leave at once, the government might restrict itself to enforcing the order. Or if a products liability arbitrator rules in favor of an injured customer and the firm refuses to pay up, the courts might merely summarily order the firm to pay.What about the hard cases, such as torts (between strangers, anyway) and crimes? Courts might summarily enforce arbitration to which both parties agree. In a way, they do this now with plea bargains and settlements. The only difference would be that instead of enforcing a determinate outcome, the courts would agree to enforce the outcome of a process, however it turns out. It might be difficult to get two strangers to agree to a common arbitrator. But, as Posner and Landes point out, arbitration entrepreneurs have thought about this problem for a long time and developed some workable solutions. The AAA sends both parties a list of arbitrators; each side then crosses off unacceptable arbitrators and ranks the remainders according to his or her preferences. Whichever arbitrator gets the highest joint ranking gets the job. And this system aligns both sides’ incentives skillfully. As Posner and Landes explain, “A party who crosses everybody off the list hurts only himself, by guaranteeing that the arbitrator will be selected from among the names not deleted by his opponent.”21 It might be unfair for the courts to impose arbitration on unwilling parties; but perhaps arbitrators would strive to develop reputations for fairness to lure parties to try it voluntarily. After all, the parties to acourt case rarely have any choice about their judge unless he is plainly biased. (The side that likes its assigned public judge might refuse to arbitrate. To prevent this problem, one might delay announcing the judge until after the parties learn of their option to arbitrate.)If this section has an overall conclusion, it is that competitive arbitration could successfully take over a large array of disputes currently handled in the public courts. There are no obvious market failures for individual dispute resolution. Arbitration firms’ decisions and procedures would be kept fair and efficient by means of free competition, rather than by self-monitoring or voting. Since there are no glaring market failures, the results of competitive arbitration would approximate the high expectations that we have of freely competitive industries in general. But for arbitration to work, we must meet two conditions: (1) The public courts must adopt a simple rule about what arbitration clauses must say to bind the signatories, and then stick to that rule; (2) The legislature must refrain from passing laws that hinder non-violent private enforcement like ostracism and boycott.Resolution of individual disputes could easily be privatized. There are no apparent market failures, such as externalities, imperfect information, or monopoly. At least these problems do not seem unusually serious. (We might also note that these “market” failures have parallels in the public courts.) The next function of private legal systems that this thesis will investigate has, in contrast, been accused of a quite serious market failure. Landes and Posner allege that private organizations and arbitrators have no incentive to make rules because of serious positive externalities. The next section examines private “law-making” and investigates whether the market failure is as serious as Landes and Posner think.3. Formation of Rules3.1 PreviewWhat does economic theory have to say about the private supply of rules of law? First, a rule-production market with no externalties would be economically efficient. If it were possible for rule-inventors to charge judges and arbitrators who use their rules (with some costless copyright system, for example), then private supply would be quite feasible. In fact, such an idealized system would be a marked improvement over rule-creation by the public courts: there would be stronger incentives for efficient law-production, and product differentiation would make it possible to satisfy many sub-markets simultaneously.Alas, the rule-production market has serious externality problems because it is difficult to establish property rights in a precedent. Posner and Landes take this as proof that private rule formation is an industry with little or no realistic potential. But things are not so simple. For one thing, patents are not the sole or even primary incentive for innovation. Surveyed businessmen in R&D-intensive industries rate several other factors more highly, as we shall see below. Unsubsidized firms continue to produce non-patentable innovations, so other incentives must exist somewhere. On top of this, it is sometimes possible for firms and parties to pre-contract to internalize any possible externalities of rule production. In other words, there are several mitigating forces that could reduce the externality problem for private rule-creators.Posner himself (in The Economics of Justice) points to another source of private rule provision: the evolution of custom. Cultural evolution gradually produced customary law in the absence of government supply; and despite some disadvantages, customary law and other “grown” orders have many attractive features. They draw on centuries of legal wisdom and experience; they are extremely stable; and they easily adapt to marginal social changes. The common law originated in the customary law of early tribes. Cultural evolution leads most societies down parallel tracks: divergent societies’ customary laws of property, contracts, and torts are remarkably similar. And these evolved customs of property, contract, and tort are precisely the kind of legal rules that law and economics scholars consider efficient. All this points to a tentative conclusion: Leaving the production of legal rules to the market may be feasible after all. Markets supply many other non-patentable innovations. Posner and Landes are probably too swift to dismiss the possibility of non-governmental supply; after all, many industries overcome the problem of non-patentability. The potential for private supply turns out to be greater than commonly assumed. The following sections challenge this common assumption in depth.3.2 The economic theory of private rule-making with no externaltiesAs is often the case in economics, it is convenient to begin the analysis of private rule-making with a counter-factual assumption. Let us assume for the moment that all legal innovations’ benefits can be internalized by their producer (whether an individual judge or the firm that employs him). Imagine a costless system of rigidly enforced copyrights. Any time someone uses a precedent, procedure, ruling, or law pioneered by another person, the user must pay royalties to the creator. What would happen under these circumstances?First, every judge or private adjudication firm would strive to develop the most efficient laws that it could find in order to maximize royalty revenue. They would funnel money into research and development, search out weaknesses in the law, and advertise the advantages of their respective systems. Just as with an ordinary copyright, the marginal cost curve shifts upwards in order to eliminate supernormal profits, because firms increase their spending in research and development and educate customers about the latest advances. This is perhaps the dreamland of law and economics scholars — the efficiency of every conceivable legal rule could be tested, not in the arid world of econometrics, but in the practical realm of business.This market might have a host of possible structures. If Posner and Landes are correct, there are economies of scope in dispute resolution and rule-formation, so we would see “vertically integrated” adjudication firms performing both functions simultaneously. If they mistake an accidental feature of public courts in the U.S. for an economic advantage, then there might be two interrelated industries — one resolving disputes for the public, the other selling rules to the dispute resolution firms. Just as in normal patent law, the discoveries of the distant past would belong in the public domain; only recent innovations would be rewarded by monopoly grants. All firms would probably embrace the basic categories of property, contract, tort, and crime — innovations on par with Newton’s work in physics or Darwin’s in biology. Legal rules at this level of generality, being part of our accumulated cultural heritage, would naturally be free. But specific developments within these categories might be patented just like any other intellectual innovation. To be sure, there would be the usual problems in patent law concerning the breadth of the patent and its duration; but the core intuition is that if there were perfect exclusion it would be possible to have a flourishing law production market.Posner and Landes assert that private judges might have an incentive to promulgate vague rules that maximize the public’s need for court services. It is difficult to imagine that any system could be more vague that our current public court system, so the argument seems misplaced. More to the point, this could not happen under free competition. Customers would patronize the arbitrators that offered the cheapest and highest quality service. Arbitrators would have to select the proper inputs — most importantly, clear and simple legal rules. The incentives to promulgate vague rules and thereby increase demand might exist if the government sub-contracted its rule-making function to a single monopolist. But the genuine market in rule-formation that this section explores would be fully competitive. In such a situation, a firm that tried to “increase demand” by adopting vague rules would be much more likely to lose all of its clients than reap a bounty from an explosion of litigation.A competitive market in the formation of rules would be different from our current system of rule-formation by judges and legislatures in one crucial respect: there would be legal diversity within one and the same geographic region — or if you prefer, product differentiation. Courts and legislatures (leaving the mitigating effects of federalism aside) usually make the same rules for everyone. Posner and Landes offer a plausible economic rationale: “there would appear to be tremendous economies of standardization in the precedent market, akin to those that have given us standard dimensions for electric sockets and railroad gauges.”22 True enough; but the existence of some economies of standardization hardly shows that total standardization is economically desirable. Only when the production of legal rules became freely competitive could we correctly balance the preferences for both diversity and uniformity. Properly functioning markets do this without us even trying. Restaurants, for example, have many things in common: they are clean, have waiters and waitresses, serve non-poisoned food, and have bathrooms; but they have many differences: quality of service, type of food, decor. Presumably, restaurant entrepreneurs balance the costs and benefits of standardization and diversity when they make a final decision on their business practices, realizing that customers want both uniformity and choice. A competitive rule-formation market that strictly protected intellectual property rights would do the same. In fact, private adjudication (still assuming no externalities) might be better able to standardize law than governments; for it is a characteristic of state law that it applies merely within national borders. Yet as the world’s economies become more interdependent, the need of international businesses for a common legal code increases. Private rule-formation could gradually amalgamate diverse business norms into a common legal code; for just as inventions from one nation can be exported to another, so too might legal practices. So long as law-formation remains a monopoly of governments, standardization requires international treaties, years of negotiations, and so on. And while such agreements claim to bring productive efficiencies like a shared commercial code, there is also the danger (as some critics of the European Community argue) that international standardization might eliminate legal competition on tax and regulatory policy. The economically preferable outcome would be legal standardization without a legal cartel. Prof. Bruce Benson sums up the “legal standardization” controversy aptly: “Where the tremendous economies of standardization that Landes and Posner alluded to exist, the private sector will take advantage of them. Government typically cannot respond because of the artificial constraints of political boundaries. There is no reason to believe that any national government is of the ideal size to take full advantage of the economies of standardization in law. In some areas of law (e.g., commercial law), these economies appear to be greater than any existing nation can encompass. In other areas, such economies may be considerably more limited so that existing political entities are too large. A private system of law would generate efficiently sized ‘market areas’. “23 (emphasis added). These “efficiently sized market areas,” I might add, need not be geographic in character — they could just as easily be broken down by industry-type, by cultural norms, by risk-preferences, or any other factor. Since by assumption law would be produced in competitive markets without externalties, we could be confident that whatever market sizes and levels of standarization emerged would be optimal.3.3 Rule-formation in the real world: the problem of externaltiesWe have seen that a law-production market with no externalities generates rather attractive results. What happens if we relax the assumption of perfect patent and copyright protection for law-producing individuals and firms?As Posner and Landes first suggested, all legal innovation could disappear. Everyone might try to free ride on the precedent and procedure R&D of their competitors; but this individually rational strategy is not, as the saying goes, “socially rational.” If there were no public courts, the probable result would be a steadfast adherence to tradition, because tradition would be the only source of law left. Put simply, we would have nothing but a static stock of legal knowledge inherited from the past. It is not clear how serious a defect this would be; as Posner hints, both the rule of stare decisis and the low rate of depreciation of precedents (4-5% according to his research) indicate that rapid innovation is not even desirable.24 Richard Epstein’s mistrust of legal change is still more pronounced: “the merits of freedom of contract in no way depend upon the accidents of time and place”25. Other basic legal principles, he says, are similarly timeless. Unfortunately, legal innovation can alter good laws as well as bad ones. (One of Epstein’s favorite examples is the doctrine of assumption of risk, which modern public courts seriously weakened.) Perhaps legal innovation is not as important as some people think. It is at least possible that the harmful changes made by the public courts in this past century outweigh all of the beneficial ones.Nevertheless, Posner and Landes’ case against purely private production of rules seems strong. It does appear that patent and copyright protection would be difficult to bestow upon legal innovators. And normally economists assume that intellectual property rights of this kind are the only effective way to get the market to invest in research and development. Without effective ways to internalize the benefits of innovation, government funding seems like the only way to assure us of the supply of this valuable good. 3.4 Non-patentable innovations and externalties problemsThe central problem with the Posner-Landes analysis is that it proves far too much. It is a historical fact that private systems of law began, evolved, and thrived. The medieval law merchant, for example, was so effective that national governments adopted the market’s rules rather than the other way around. Bruce Benson points out that during the 19th century private commercial arbitration competed fiercely with the common law courts.26 The former relied extensively on business custom and the law merchant, while the latter did not. One of the main ways that the private sector competed with the public was by adopting a different legal code — one that the business community found more efficient and fair. Gradually, competition drove the common law courts to adopt rules similar to those of private adjudication. Competition persisted even though the common law courts were partly subsidized by the crown. Even Posner and Landes admit that, “the doctrines developed by the [private] merchant courts to deal with contract and commercial matters were absorbed into the common law and the official courts began winning business from the merchant courts. In a similar vein English procedural reform in the nineteenth century has been attributed in part to the competition from private arbitration.”27 Notice how the private and the public courts competed by offering different rules of law, which would not be possible if public courts were the only possible source of law in the absence of patent protection for legal inventors.Prof. Benson raises a still more challenging point: Who free rides off of whom? Posner and Landes observe that public and private courts typically have similar legal codes; they then conclude that the private courts free ride off of the public courts by “borrowing” their precedents. But Benson argues for the opposite view: “[C]ommercial arbitration should enforce virtually the same laws recognized by the public sector, but the causation actually flows in the opposite direction. Public courts enforce virtually the same laws as commericial arbitrators do. If they did not, the public court bureaucracy would lose its commercial business because businessmen would use their own courts (as they are).”28 I doubt that this is wholely true today, because the private courts cannot compete with the public courts on equal terms. The public courts can trump the decisions of the private courts. Before we can test these alternative hypotheses, we would first have to give private courts the autonomy that they need to compete effectively.There is a second and more serious reason to doubt the seriousness of the externalties problem. Posner and Landes suggest that private rule-production would not work because of the difficulty of claiming a property right in a precedent. But they overlook the large sectors of our economy in which (a) Patent and copyright protection is unavailable, (b) There is no government R&D, and (c) Innovation still occurs. For example, the person who “invented” the modern super-market could not get royalties from other people who wanted to open up super-markets of their own, even though it was a remarkable innovation. General style and model changes, whether in autos, architecture, fashion, etc., cannot be patented. In order to be patentable, something must be relatively specific, but many useful innovations are not. Similarly, many business practices are not patentable: If, for example, I successfully experiment with a new form of vertical integration, my competitors are likely to copy me; but I cannot charge them for the privilege. And still such innovation survives. How is this possible?Part of the explanation is that economists overrate the importance of copyrights and patents. Businessmen surveyed typically rank the legal protection of their innovations as one of the least important determinants of the rate of return on research an