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Did The U.S. Follow Washington’s Final Address From 1875-1925 Essay, Research Paper

Part I

The United States was an infant country in the late 1700’s. At this time, this emerging power had the opportunity to create its own identity and position on foreign policy. The United States had many ties to Europe due to her being the source of the majority of its peoples ancestries, while at the same time it was separated from her by an entire ocean. This has undoubtedly always made a huge difference in directly separating us from their affairs, whether they be small or large in significance. With these factors as quintessential part of our identity, our first President decided to dedicate his farewell address to the direction that he believed would grant the U.S. with the most auspicious conditions possible when making decisions in foreign policy.

In this speech, Washington underscored that while alliances can be beneficial, they can also cause many diverse problems. This theme has resonated in U.S. foreign policy decisions that relate to our international relations throughout the U.S. s existence. Many formulators of United States policy have clung to this isolationist premise in Washington’s Farewell Address. With the advancement of technology and the ability to bridge the Atlantic in an ever-increasing short amount of time, the late1800’s began an era in the United States that has offered many challenges to its national security and economic stability due to problems abroad. In the time period between 1875 to 1924 in light of the Treaty Of Paris, the Boxer Rebellion, and the United States involvement in the League of Nations it can be debated as to whether the United States followed Washington’s advice.

At the time Washington s Farewell Address was conceived, the U.S. was still a relatively weak country in terms of military capabilities. With regard to the of the size of its territory, the United States was one-third as large as it is today (and for the most part in the years discussed in this report). As a new country the U.S. had the chance to make its own relations with foreign countries without submitting to old European prejudices. Washington saw these facts when he carefully composed his Farewell Address that urged the U.S. to stay at peace by declaring neutrality when confronted with European (and international) foreign policy. In following such a plan Washington said no alliances with other countries should be entered into because when if the U.S. entered into alliances, the enemies of the allied country(s) would become a threat to U.S. national security as a part of the package. Washington believed that entering into any European conflict would be trivial, because we would not be protecting our own land in Europe, and we would be killing innocent people that were citizens of a country that in most circumstances did not commit a crime to the American people. If America entangled itself with European alliances, the possibility arises that America could be obligated to enter a war based entirely on our alliance with a country in conflict with another. He believed that the U.S. remaining a neutral country in the face of conflict would fabricate a positive result. Washington believed that our commercial foreign policy should be against favoritism or preference (because that could hurt the U.S. economy), and that we should only alter the course of situations overseas that affect our economy by diffusing and diversifying by gentle means . He hoped that this would give trade a stable course, establish the rights of our merchants, and would enable the American government to support them.

United States foreign policy has been a constantly morphing creature of its own, sometimes following Washington s advice, and sometimes committing itself to be the world s police.

The ratification of the Treaty Of Paris (1898) marked the end of the Spanish-American War. Fought between the United States and Spain, the propaganda that the U.S. used to support the war effort cited of Spain insulting the honor of the United States, while the war was really fought over potential territory. The U.S. became involved with the problems in Cuba in the late 19th century because many Americans sympathized with the insurrections in Cuba which began in 1895 (this can also be attributed towards Yellow Journalism) and U.S. citizens owned $50 million worth of real estate and industry in Cuba.

William McKinley became president in 1897, and later that year the Spanish prime minister was assassinated. After brutal rule that included concentration camps, Spain granted Cuba limited autonomy on January 1, 1898, but that was not enough to stop a riot on January 12, when there was a riot in Cuba against the Spanish. (Trask, 36-43) (Bryan, pp 7 -16)

On January 25, the U.S. government, concerned about disorder in Cuba for the reasons listed above, sent the battleship USS Maine to Havana. On February 15, the ship exploded, killing 266 crewmen. This raised a big outcry in the United States and the call to “Remember the Maine!” On March 28, the Naval Court of Inquiry reported that the Maine was destroyed by a mine, and did not assign the blame to any party. Many newspapers, however, stirred up outrage and called for war (yellow journalism). On April 11, 1898, President McKinley asked Congress to declare war and by April 22, the United States was at war with Spain. (Everett, 77-79)

Part II

The declared war aim of the United States was Cuban independence from Spain. American forces landed in Cuba on June 23 and, with the surrender of Santiago on July 16, the Spanish sued for peace through the French ambassador in Washington two days later. The events in the Cuban portion of the war were concluded in less than a month. (Walker, 55-59)

The United States had not expressed an interest in taking over the remnants of Spain’s colonial empire until victory in Cuba had come so easily (in accepted terms of war difficulty). On news of Dewey’s victory, warships began arriving in Manila Bay from Britain, France, Japan and Germany, all anxious to grab pieces of the Spanish Colonial Empire. The German fleet of eight warships was especially aggressive and menacing. All of these imperial powers had recently obtained concessions from China for naval bases and designated commercial spheres of interest. American interests had reason to fear that leaving the Philippines to the designs of the imperial powers might exclude the United States from the Asia-Pacific trade altogether. As a result on August 13, U.S. troops took Manila in the Philippines to ensure its role in Asia Pacific Trade. (Kalaw, 23,92-93,106)

By December 10, 1898 (the day the Treaty Of Paris was signed), and within six months, the war was over. The United States was now a global colonial power, with territory in Latin America, the Pacific Ocean, and eastern Asia. To show the imperialist mentality of the time, the Cubans, who had helped defeat Spain, were not invited to the surrender ceremonies and the Treaty of Paris that concluded the war.

The different aspects of negotiating the peace treaty are as follows:

1)Assumption of Cuban Sovereignty – American Commissioners declined to assume this by asserting firmly to the terms of the intervention resolutions passed by Congress. Spain tried to induce the United States to assume sovereignty over Cuba and become responsible for the Cuban debt. (Smith, 112-114)

2)Claim over Philippine sovereignty – The U.S. argued that no further discussion as to the right of the islands should be admitted, and that the only matter remaining for discussion was the manner of giving over the islands. Spanish commissioners reaffirmed their position as to a discussion of sovereignty of the islands, insisting that the phrase “shall determine the control, disposition and government of the Philippines” in the peace protocol did not warrant any reference to Spain’s withdrawal from the Philippines except on her own terms. (Smith, 114-117)

3)Cuban Anarchy – The U.S. argued that no further discussion as to the right of the islands should be admitted, and that the only matter remaining for discussion was the manner of giving over the islands. In the meanwhile, Spanish commissioners reaffirmed their position as to a discussion of sovereignty of the islands, insisting that the phrase “shall determine the control, disposition and government of the Philippines” in the peace protocol did not warrant any reference to Spain’s withdrawal from the Philippines except on her own terms. (Smith, 118-119)

4)U.S. Demands In The Treaty Of Paris – formulated U.S. demands consisted of

a)Cession of the entire Philippine archipelago;

b)U.S. to reimburse Spain to the extent of her infrastructure expenditures in the Philippines such as ports and harbors, railroad, telecommunications, and other improvements. (Smith, 120-122)

5)Spanish Reasoning For Their Rejection Of Original U.S. Demands -

a)The imprisonment of the Spanish troops in Manila after the suspension of the hostilities violated international laws;

b)The imprisonment of the Spanish troops had prevented Spain from quelling the local insurrection;

c)The United States contributed to the violence against Spain after the termination of hostilities;

d)The United States had wrongfully appropriated public moneys belonging to Spain by seizing the tariff duties at Manila to the sum of $1,000,000;

e)The United States had no rights in the Philippine archipelago except by the consent of Spain during the peace negotiation, and upon terms satisfactory to her.

(Smith, 124-133)

6)Final Terms Given To Spain For A Peace Treaty -

The American commissioners made a final offer to Spain stating that they could not forget about their proposal for the acquisition of the entire Philippine archipelago, but were willing to offer Spain the sum of $20,000,000, as a given amount intended to cover her colonial infrastructure investment. The U.S. also stated that the she was prepared to make the following sacrifices:

a)That for a term of twelve years Spanish ships and merchandise would be admitted to the Philippines.

b)The Philippines would remain open to the world’s commerce under U.S. control

c)Mutual relinquishment of all claims for compensation, national and individual, and of every kind. This referred to the United States against Spain, vice versa, and any that may arise since the beginning of the Cuban insurrection and prior to the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace. (Smith, 135-147, 153)

On November 28, 1898, the Spanish Peace Commission delivered to the American Peace Commissioners the acceptance by Spain of the terms of the United States, accompanied by a message indicating that Spain yielded only to superior force. An excerpt of a note by a Spanish official states:

“Recognizing the impossibility of further resisting their powerful antagonist tactic and to save greater loss and hurt to Spain, the Commissioners, acting on the advice and instructions of the Madrid Government, now feel that no other course is open to them but to accept the victor’s terms, however harsh, …in order to have peace and not to break the Washington protocol.” (Traxel, 164)

United States foreign policy in this episode entirely precluded all of Washington s advice in his final address. Washington stressed non-interference in other countries affairs because it was his belief that enemies were created by intervening in occurrences that did not directly involve the United States. Although Washington did not mention intervention based on ethical reasoning in his address, it is my deduction that his policy of non-interference would have applied to the U.S. reasoning for prying itself into Cuban affairs according to the social unrest in Cuba.

Washington said, The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations to have with time as little political connection as possible. The superlative reason why America became involved in this conflict is mainly attributed to our unquenchable craving for new markets to practice mercantile business with, to attain new territory for military bases, and new stocks of natural resources. The Boxer Rebellion was another event that challenged United States foreign policy.

Throughout the nineteenth century, China’s emperors had watched as foreigners took over an escalating amount of their land. Time and time again, foreigners forced China to make “humiliating concessions.” Foreign regiments with modern weapons repeatedly defeated the imperial armies. Tsu Hsi, empress dowager of the Ch’ing Dynasty, searched for a way to purge her empire of these foreigners. Austria, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, and Russia all claimed exclusive trading rights with China. They were dividing China into “spheres of influence.” By acquiring the Philippines, the United States became an Asian power too. With a military/economical base about 400 miles away from China, American businessman hoped to take advantage of China’s vast resources. All these controversies over China led to a Chinese uprising by the people. The Boxers were the group to lead these angry masses. (Philip, 22-27)

The Boxers were an organization of Chinese nationalists who wished to eliminate foreign influence and strengthen the Chinese Empire. They began as a traditional Chinese secret society. The Boxers evolved in the 1890’s in the northern Chinese provinces of Shantung and Chihili and its name, I-ho-Ch’iian, could be translated as “Righteous and Harmonious Fists,” since its objective was to harmonize the minds and bodies of its members while preparing for combat. Society members and the Chinese who observed their public demonstrations exclaimed that the Boxers’ bodies became “invulnerable to swords or bullets.” (Preston, 31-39) (Harrington, 83)

With foreign intervention leading to a changing China, the Boxers became dedicated to protecting its (China) traditions and lifestyles. The Boxers became fixated with obstructing all foreign intercession and to encourage this hatred leaders of the Boxers espoused the slogan Overthrow the Ch’ing; destroy the foreigners, as a way to motivate members and non-members alike. This movement’s slogan reflected the dismay of the Chinese people and government when Japan won the war of 1894- 1895. However, the Boxers were mainly committed to preventing the aggressive efforts of Western missionaries and military forces that were endeavoring to increase their control over the Chinese. This combined with two-year paucity in agricultural harvests and floods in the Yellow River Valley between 1896 and 1899 led to the tribulations of the Chinese becoming insurmountable, for which the Boxers held the Ch’ing Dynasty and the foreign devils liable. (Preston, 88-91) (Henderson 47, 71)

The Boxers utilized violence against the foreigners as a way to show their hatred. The group began to gain support and popularity from the majority of the Chinese people. In a speech to a crowd of people, a Boxer affirmed (in translation), “Scholars: put down your brushes. Farmers: lay down your rakes. Trader: abandon your business. Artisans: put down your tools. Everyone, sharpen your knifes, supply yourself with bullets, swear an oath, and cry out. If the Manchus help the foreigners kill us then first kill all the Manchus. If those corrupt officials help the foreigners kill us, then first then kill all the corrupt officials. Forward and kill, forward and kill.” (Henderson, 75)

After becoming familiarized with the Boxer society, Empress Dowager Tzu Hsi began to laud their objectives and even and grant them favors. On January 11, 1900, the empress issued a decree which referred to the Boxers as “public- spirited persons who helped China.” She was eventually successful in persuading the Boxers to change their slogan to “Support the Ch’ing; destroy the foreigners.” (Henderson 64, 103-105)

In the early months of 1900, thousands of Boxers roamed the countryside of China. They attacked Christian missions, slaughtering foreign missionaries and Chinese converts with the encouragement and permission of the empress. After this form of genocide came to cessation, they moved toward the cities, attracting an additional number of followers. Nervous foreign ministers were adamant that the Chinese government stop the Boxers. From inside her palace gates, the empress told the diplomats that her troops would soon quell the “rebellion.” Meanwhile she did nothing as the Boxers entered the capital. (Preston, 109-111,114,118-121) (Henderson, 87)

Foreign diplomats, their families, and staff lived in a compound just outside the “Forbidden City’s,” or palace walls in the heart of Beijing. Working together, compiled a “hasty” defense, and with a small force of military personnel, they faced the Boxer onslaught. One American described the event, 20,000 Boxers advancing in a solid mass and carrying standards of red and white cloth. Their yells were deafening, while the roar of gongs, drums, and horns sounded like thunder. (Henderson, 95-96) Surrounded by the Boxers, the foreigners could neither escape nor send for assistance. For approximately two months, they withstood fierce attacks and bombardment. After a month passed with no communication from the diplomats, the foreign powers grew worried. The foreign powers assembled an international relief force of soldiers and sailors from eight countries. The United States, eager to rescue its ministers and to assert its presence in China, sent a contingent of 2,500 sailors and marines with the objective of rescuing their diplomats by any means necessary. After rescuing a besieged delegation in Tientsin, the international force marched to Beijing, fighting Boxers and imperial soldiers. The international troops looted the capital and ransacked the Forbidden City. (Preston, 144-167)