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BLACK RAGE HISTORICAL STUDY Essay Research Paper (стр. 4 из 5)

The entire country, after all, seemed in a state of shock over the verdict in

Simi Valley. But that does not account for the sentiments registered before

the verdict, when so many blacks who were doing well seemed to be so very unhappy. So many seemed in a state of raging discontent. And much of

America, I am sure, has not a ghost of a notion why. (6-8)

?A ghost.? Black rage has not subsided; it has not been satisfied; it has been ever present to haunt the very existence of America. It waits to strike out, for the reason to mobilize, for an excuse to act. West concludes, ?As a people . . . we are on a slippery slope toward economic strife, social turmoil, and cultural chaos . . . enforced racial hierarchy dooms us as a nation to collective paranoia and hysteria — the unmaking of any democratic order? (8).

It took over two hundred years to abolish slavery, and one hundred years from the Emancipation Proclamation to begin to ensure civil rights. In another fifty years, when equality has not been realized in 2020, how will America then deal with her ?Negro problem?? And what will become of the rage? Young prophesies, ?But I have confidence that black people will muster the courage and the strength to make one last effort, based on our common sufferings, to stand united against the system that oppresses us? (410). Will America face a racial Armageddon?

Concluding Remarks

While white America has balked at giving up power to the black race, so has the black race refused to give up the fight. James Baldwin writes in The Fire Next Time, ?The only thing white people have that black people need, or should want, is power — and no one holds power forever? (96). A momentum exists, rooted and grounded in the very core of the institution of slavery, that has propelled the black race over many foes, many obstacles.

The LA riots of the 90s should make white America stop and take note that black people are not going to remain idle. Grier and Cobbs, in Black Rage (1968), explained that the Civil Rights struggle was being fought at that time by black youth. But they also wrote that the time would soon come when ?the full range of the black masses . . . [would] put down the broom and [take up] the sword? (211). Unfortunately, the momentum of black rage has been forced to carry the black race beyond a magical line in the sand called ?Equality? to a final over-coming. Baldwin writes, ?People are not . . . terribly anxious to be equal (equal, after all, to what and to whom?), but they love the idea of being superior? (88). To overcome is to get over, to be over, to rule over. Yes, suppress a race of men and women for 400 years, telling them you are superior to them, and they will turn and say that you have something coming to you.

Thomas Jefferson once explained that slavery is like trying to hold a wolf by the ears. You can surely not let it go, for it will turn on you and rend you to pieces. At the same time, you can surely not continue to hold onto it, for it will soon overpower you in order to be set free, rending you in pieces (Jefferson 85). So, today, in 1998, America is still trying to hold the wolf by the ears. America is still trying to deal with her ?Negro problem? through concession after concession, stopping only to ensure equality is not allowed. This wolf is going to be free one day, and woe be to America! Grier and Cobb wrote,

We should ask what is likely to galvanize the masses into aggression against

the whites. . . . Will it be some grotesque atrocity against black people which

at last causes one-tenth of the nation to rise up in indignation and crush the monstrosity? . . . [Perhaps similar to the Rodney King verdict?] Or will it be

by blacks, finally and in an unpredictable way, simply getting fed up with the bumbling stupid racism of this county? Fired not so much by any one incident

as by the gradual accretion of stupidity into the fixtures of national policy. (212)

According to these black scholars of black rage, the momentum to overcome will one day prevail in victory. The penned up black rage will one day be satisfied, satisfied when there are no longer any white chains and shackles to hold it back.

Martin Luther King, Jr., was a brilliant man. For his work in the Civil Rights Movement, he should be highly commended and honored for promoting peace and harmony. King had a vision and a dream that one day all of God?s children would be able to live together in peace, harmony, and perfect equality. He said that he had ?been to the mountaintop,? he had ?seen the Promised Land.? While this ?Promised Land? may indeed exist, King saw a moral and spiritual vision not of this earth. In his famous ?I Have a Dream? speech, King exhorted,

Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane

of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. (103)

?Soul force? is that which transcends humanity. History has repeatedly proven that humanity is bound by hate, war, and rage. History has repeatedly proven that groups of people — whether religious, racial, tribal, or national — will seek to dominate other groups. America is no exception.

While America today may be experiencing a lull between storms, racial tension has far from subsided, and black rage is far from erased. The proverbial writing on the wall — the history of literature and rhetoric behind us — speaks loudly and clearly that the black race will not settle with remaining in oppression for long. In like manner, the white race in America has proven that it is not freely willing to concede the racial power they have amassed and enjoyed from the nation?s conception. When these social forces confront each other, the latter is bound to give way, as it has time and time again, to avoid national destruction. Will the black force of rage stop at a place called ?Equality?? Will the white force of oppressiveness subtly concede this final point for peace without being forced? Or, will the momentum of black rage continue to push, as Sherman pushed through Atlanta, until every Confederate is crushed and ultimate power over the enemy is finally secured?

One thing is certain; blacks are determined not to be pushed down any further. Grier and Cobb write,

Might not black people remain where they are as they did for a hundred

years during slavery? Such seems truly inconceivable. Not because blacks

are so naturally warlike or rebellious, but because they are filled with such

grief, such sorrow, such bitterness, and such hatred. It seems now delicately poised, not yet risen to the flash point, but rising rapidly nonetheless. No

matter what repressive measures are invoked against the blacks, they will

never swallow their rage and go back to blind hopelessness. (212-3)

The ground gained has been preciously won through too hard a struggle. The taste of oppression lingers yet, much too bitter to taste again. Strong men have pressed too long and too hard to give up now. In fact, indeed, this dream deferred may just one day EXPLODE.

Appendix

Annotated Bibliography

Advisory Board on Race Relations. ?One America in the 21st Century: Forging a New

Future — The President?s Initiative on Race.? Report. 1998. 23 October 98 *www.whitehouse.gov/Initiatives/OneAmerica/PIR.pdf*. A report on race relations in America to the President, the text provides an in-depth analysis including statistics of the disparities existing between the races in present-day America.

Baldwin, James. The Fire Next Time. New York: Vintage Books, 1962. Baldwin

explains an autobiographical account of his transformation from Christianity, to Muslim, and finally to realizing that race relations in America should be immediately reconciled at all costs. His writing contains understanding of racial dominance and black rage, prophesying that destruction (fire) may happen ?next time? if race problems are not resolved.

Barbour, Floyd B., ed. The Black Power Revolt. Toronto: Collier, 1968. This book

contains a collection of dissenting voices of history, from the 1700?s through the 1960?s. Its works reflect a repetitive and historical consistency of black rage in African-American voices.

Breitman, George, ed. Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. New

York: Pathfinder, 1989. A collection of fourteen speeches, statements, and interviews given by Malcolm X, this book gives an anthology view of the later works of Malcolm X and his views following his break from the Nation of Islam.

Broderick, Francis L. and August Meier, eds. Negro Protest Thought in the Twentieth

Century. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965. This volume focuses on speech and literature of African American origin which deal with finding ?the way out.? Its reflections outline the struggle to overcome inequality and oppression up to the Civil Rights Movement.

Brown, H. Rap. ?Colonialism and Revolution.? Address, Detroit, MI, 1967. Rpt. in part

Smith and Robb, 304-12. Brown denounces white-American racist colonialism, which has oppressed colored peoples of the world. He advocates violence and revolution, disregarding compromise and efforts of nonviolence.

Brown, Sterling. ?Strong Men.? Long and Collier, 411-3. Brown explains through this

poem how the struggle has been hard and long, but strong men keep on a coming,

getting stronger. The struggle and suffering has only made the African-American

race stronger. He concludes, ?One thing they can not prohibit ? The strong men .

. . coming on / The strong men gittin? stronger. / Strong men . . . . / Stronger . . . .?

Bunch, Ralph J. ?A Critical Analysis of the Tactics and Programs of Minority Groups.?

Journal of Negro Education. 4.3 (Jul. 1935): 308-20. Rpt. in Broderick and Meir, 161-79. Bunch criticizes contemporary movements and programs for racial advancement. He concludes that the only hope for minorities in America is to align themselves with the ?programs and tactics,? and hence the social needs, of the majority. In his dismissal of violence, he concludes that such an outcome ?can be projected only in the future,? acknowledging that it is a viable possibility.

Carmichael, Stokely. ?Address to the Berkeley Black Power Conference.? Berkeley,

CA, Oct. 1966. Rpt. in part Straub, 33-41. Carmichael proclaims in this speech to a mostly white audience that black people are fed up with White society and White racist institutions. Carmichael proclaims Black Power and liberation of the Black people to function, move, and live free in society. He asks, ?Will White people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If not, we have no choice but to say very clearly, ?Move on over, or we?re going to move on over you.?

Cleaver, Eldridge. ?Political Struggle in America.? Address to the Peace and Freedom

Party Forum, Oakland, CA, 11 Feb. 1968. Rpt. in Straub, 66-72. Cleaver proposes that in order for Black Americans to establish their own nation, they must first have a political structure. Through political merging with other organizations and unifying Black Americans, the Black Panther Party can grow to be of political consequence and thereby realize its nationalistic goals.

The Constitution of the United States of America. Webster?s, 1702-5.

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Advisory Board on Race Relations. ?One America in the 21st Century: Forging a New

Future — The President?s Initiative on Race.? Report. 1998. 23 October 98 .

Baldwin, James. The Fire Next Time. New York: Vintage Books, 1962.

Barbour, Floyd B., ed. The Black Power Revolt. Toronto: Collier, 1968.

Breitman, George, ed. Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. New

York: Pathfinder, 1989.

Broderick, Francis L. and August Meier, eds. Negro Protest Thought in the Twentieth

Century. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965.

Brown, H. Rap. ?Colonialism and Revolution.? Address, Detroit, MI, 1967. Rpt. in part

Smith and Robb, 304-12.

Brown, Sterling. ?Strong Men.? Long and Collier, 411-3.

Bunch, Ralph J. ?A Critical Analysis of the Tactics and Programs of Minority Groups.?

Journal of Negro Education. 4.3 (Jul. 1935): 308-20. Rpt. in Broderick and Meir, 161-79.

Carmichael, Stokely. ?Address to the Berkeley Black Power Conference.? Berkeley,

CA, Oct. 1966. Rpt. in part Straub, 33-41.

Cleaver, Eldridge. ?Political Struggle in America.? Address to the Peace and Freedom

Party Forum, Oakland, CA, 11 Feb. 1968. Rpt. in Straub, 66-72.

Cose, Ellis. The Rage of a Privileged Class. New York: Harper Perennial, 1993.

Douglas, Frederick. ?Fourth of July Oration.? Address to Rochester, NY, 5 Jul. 1852.

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84.

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