3. Выделенные ключевые фрагменты можно перегруппировать и составлять логический план текста. При составлении и редактировании собственно текста реферата следует помнить, что реферат - это самостоятельный текст с собственной логикой изложение. Например, ключевые фрагменты, дублирующие друг друга, могут сливаться в один пункт, а ключевой фрагмент заключительного абзаца может быть перемещен в начало текста реферата.
4. При составлении реферата и аннотации необходимо уметь использовать и систематизировать обобщения содержания материала, которые имеются в готовом виде в самом первоисточнике. Но для референта главное овладеть самому основными приемами обобщения:
а) замена частного общим, видового понятия родовым, т.е. наиболее распространенные и универсальные способы обобщения;
б) нахождение общих признаков у ряда явлений и их объединение (особенно при наличии массы показателей и статистических данных);
в) сведение ряда явлений к их сущности или как это иначе называют «обобщение обобщений» (часто применяется при сводном аннотировании нескольких источников или очень дробного материала).
5. При составлении реферата и аннотации оформляются следующие сведения:
- русское название статьи (текста)
- название работы в оригинале
- имя автора
- название и выходные данные журнала (сборника)
- указание страниц в журнале (сборнике)
- указание на число рисунков, чертежей и схем в тексте оригинала.
Можно привести следующий пример необходимой компрессии при реферировании и аннотировании.
Проанализируем следующий абзац:
Whether all of this is for good or ill is a topic of heated debate. One, positive view is that globalisation is an unmixed blessing, with the potential to boost productivity and living standards everywhere. This is because a globally integrated economy can lead to a better division of labour between countries, allowing low-wage countries to specialise in labour-intensive tasks while high-wage countries use workers in more productive ways. It will allow firms to exploit bigger economies of scale. And with globalisation, capital can be shifted to whatever country offers the most productive investment opportunities, not trapped at home financing projects with poor returns.
Ключевые фрагменты:
- positive view;
- potential:
a) higher productivity and living standards
b) better division of labour
c) bigger economies of scale
d) capital can be shifted
e) productive investment;
В случае реферирования основную мысль данного абзаца можно с помощью компрессии передать следующим образом:
Сторонники глобализации видят в ней потенциал роста производительности труда и уровня жизни; углубление разделения труда и экономию на масштабе; сводное движение капитала и эффективные инвестиции в развитие производства.
Данный абзац характеризуется высокой информативностью, поэтому компрессия здесь минимальная. Но в ряде случаев основное содержание одного или даже нескольких абзацев в совокупности можно передать одним предложением.
В случае аннотирования компрессия будет максимальной:
Сторонники глобализации связывают с ней ряд позитивных тенденций.
IV. ТЕКСТЫ ДЛЯ РЕФЕРИРОВАНИЯ, АННОТИРОВАНИЯ И ПЕРЕВОДА
1. Дайте ответы на следующие 1.What is meant by globalisation?
вопросы без предварительного 2. Is this phenomenon as new as it is generally
чтения текста: held out to be?
3. Is globalisation for good or ill?
2. Дайте ответы на следующие 1. What are positive and critical views of
вопросы после беглого просмотра globalisation?
текста 2. Prove that international economic
integration is not unprecedented.
3. Could the trend towards globalisation
be reversed ?
3. Прочитайте следующий текст и найдите ключевые слова и предложения в каждом абзаце:
ONE WORLD?
For good or ill, globalisation has become the economic buzz-world of the 1990s. National economies are undoubtedly becoming steadily more integrated as cross-border flows of trade, investment and financial capital increase. Consumers are buying more foreign goods, a growing number of firms now operate across national borders, and savers are investing more than ever before in far-flung places.
Whether all of this is for good or ill is a topic of heated debate. One, positive view is that globalisation is an unmixed blessing, with the potential to boost productivity and living standards everywhere. This is because a globally integrated economy can lead to a better division of labour between countries, allowing low-wage countries to specialise in labour-intensive tasks while high-wage countries use workers in more productive ways. It will allow firms to exploit bigger economies of scale. And with globalisation, capital can be shifted to whatever country offers the most productive investment opportunities, not trapped at home financing projects with poor returns.
Critics of globalisation take a gloomier view. They predict that increased competition from low-wage developing countries will destroy jobs and push down wages in today’s rich economies. There will be a “race to the botom” as countries reduce wages, taxes, welfare benefits and environmental controls to make themselves more “competitive”. Pressure to compete will erode the ability of governments to set their own economic policies. The critics also worry about the increased power of financial markets to cause economic havoc, as in the European currency crises of 1992 and 1993, Mexico in 1994-1995 and South-East Asia in 1997.
The aim of this survey is to look in detail at these controversial arguments on each side of the globalisation debate. But it is necessary first of all to examine what precisely is meant by globalisation, how far it has proceeded, and whether the phenomenon is as new as it is generally held out to be. Some of the answers are surprising.
Old news
Despite much loose talk about the “new” global economy, today’s international economic integration is not unprecedented. The 50 years before the first world war saw large crossborder flows of goods, capital and people. That period of globalisation, like the present one, was driven by reductions in trade barriers and by sharp falls in transport costs, thanks to the development of railways and steamships. The present surge of globalisation is in a way a resumption of that previous trend.
That earlier attempt at globalisation ended abruptly with the first world war, after which the world moved into a period of fierce trade protectionism and tight restrictions on capital movement. During the early 1930s, America sharply increased its tariffs, and other countries retaliated, making the Great Depression even greater. The volume of world trade fell sharply. International capital flows virtually dried up in the inter-war period as governments imposed capital controls to try to insulate their economies from the impact of a global slump.
Capital controls were maintained after the second world war, as the victors decided to keep their exchange rates fixed - an arrangement known as the Bretton Woods system, after the American town in which it was approved. But the big economic powers also agreed that reducing trade barriers was vital to recovery. They set up the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which organised a series of negotiations that gradually reduced import tariffs. GATT was replaced by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995. Trade flourished.
In the early 1970s, the Bretton Woods system collapsed and currencies were allowed to “float” against one another at whatever rates the markets set. This signalled the rebirth of the global capital market. America and Germany quickly stopped trying to control the inflow and outflow of capital. Britain abolished capital controls in 1979 and Japan (mostly) in 1980. However, France and Italy did not abandon the last of their restrictions on cross-border investment until 1990 This is part of the reason why continental Europeans tend to worry more about the power of global capital markets: America has been exposed to them for much longer.
Two forces have been driving these increased flows of goods and money. The first is technology. With the costs of communication and computing falling rapidly, the natural barriers of time and space that separate national markets have been falling too. The cost of a three-minute telephone call between New York and London has fallen from $300 (in 1996 dollars) in 1930 to less than $1 today. The cost of computer processing power has been falling by an average of 30% a year in real terms over the past couple of decades.
The second driving force has been liberalisation. As a result of both the GATT negotiations and unilateral decisions, almost all countries have lowered barriers to foreign trade. Most countries have welcomed international capital as well. Although liberalisation has proceeded at different speeds in different places, the trend is worldwide. Only a handful of renegades still try to isolate themselves. Over the past decade, trade has increased twice as fast as output, foreign direct investment three times as fast and cross-border trade in shares ten times as fast.
The trend towards globalisation is clear. But its extent can be. exaggerated. Consider in turn the markets for products, capital and workers. One measure of the extent to which product markets are integrated is the ratio of trade to output. This has increased sharply in most countries since 1950. But by this measure Britain and France are only slightly more open to trade today than they were in 1913, while Japan is less open now than then.
Another gauge of the degree оf product-market integration is the extent to which prices converge across countries. In theory, free trade should push prices together as competition forces high-cost producers to lower their prices. Studies show, however, that large divergences in price often persist for long periods. Laptop computers and Levi’s jeans, for example, are consistently cheaper in America than in Europe or Japan.
This reflects a variety of factors, including tastes, transport costs, differences in taxes and inefficient distribution networks. But some of the difference is due to the persistence of import barriers.
Product markets are still nowhere near as integrated across borders as they are within nations. Consider the example of trade between the United States and Canada, one of the least restricted trading borders in the world. On average, trade between a Canadian province and an American state is 20 times smaller than domestic trade between two Canadian provinces, after adjusting for distance and income levels. For all the talk about a single market, the Canadian and American markets remain substantially segmented from one another. For other countries this is truer still.
The financial markets are not yet truly integrated either. Despite the newfound popularity of international investing, capital markets were by some measures more integrated at the start of this century than they are now. During the 30 years before the first world war, when most currencies were tied to gold, huge sums flooded from Western Europe into North America, Argentina and Australia. The net outflow of capital from Britain (i.e. its current-account surplus) averaged 5 % of GDP over the period 1880-1913, reaching almost 10 % of GDP at its peak. In comparison, Japan’s notoriously «excessive» current-account surplus has averaged only 2-3 % of GDP over the past decade.
Foreign direct investment, involving control of businesses or property across national borders, is no new phenomenon either. Today, it equals about 6 % of the total domestic investment of rich economies. In the decade before 1914, by contrast, direct investments of British capitalists abroad were almost as big as their direct investments at home.
Home work
While product and capital markets have become increasingly integrated, labour markets have not. Tens of millions of people currently work outside their home countries. Yet labour is less mobile than it was in the second half of the 19th century, when some 60m people left Europe for the New World. Even within the European Union, which gives citizens of any member state the right to work and live in any other, only a small proportion of workers ventures across national borders. Language, cultural barriers, and incompatible educational and professional qualifications all combine to keep labour markets national.
This does not mean that globalisation is just a myth. In some new and different ways the world economy is becoming more internationally integrated that it was at the turn of the century.
For one thing, large parts of the world did not participate in the pre-1914 global economy. Today, more economies than ever before have opened their borders to trade and investment. Not only developed countries, but developing in Asia and Latin America have embraced market-friendly reforms.
A second difference is that whereas 19th-century globalisation was driven by falling transport costs, it is now being driven by plunging communication costs. This has created new ways to organise firms at a global level, with closer international integration than in the past.
Cheap and efficient communication networks allow firms to locate different parts of their production process in different countries while remaining in close contact. Modern information technology also reduces the need for physical contact between producers and consumers and therefore allows some previously untradable services to be traded. Any activity that can be conducted on a screen or over the telephone, from writing software to selling airline tickets, can be carried out anywhere in world, linked to head office by satellite and computer. Even medical advice or education can now be sold at a distance over telecoms networks.
A third difference is that although net flows of global capital may be smaller than in the past, gross international financial flows are much bigger. Cross-border sales and purchases of bonds and equities by American investors have also risen.
As yet, the world economy is still far from being genuinely integrated. In future, however, new technology is likely to encourage further integration. The Internet and its companion technologies, for example, are expected to help to make markets more transparent, allowing buyers and sellers to compare prices in different countries. Telecommunication prices will fall even more sharply over the next decade.
So technology will continue to power the globalisation train. This poses a challenge for governments. By allowing more efficient use of world resources, globalisation should boost average incomes. However, the costs and the benefits will be unevenly distributed. Many people - notably unskilled manufacturing workers in rich economies - will find the demand for their labour falling as the jobs they used to do are performed more cheaply abroad. This raises the risk of a political backlash against free trade and capital flows.